Tehran, Iran – The office of Iran’s Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei has announced a series of sweeping appointments in key security and military positions, signaling a consolidation of power among Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) veterans. Mohsen Rezaee, who served as the commander-in-chief of the IRGC for 16 years, including throughout the grinding war with Iraq in the 1980s, has been named the new secretary of the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) and the Supreme Leader’s representative on the body.
The leadership overhaul extended to the military, where six new positions were officially filled on Monday. Ali Abdollahi, previously the head of Iran’s joint war command, has been appointed as the new chief of staff of the armed forces. Additionally, Ali Ozmaei has been named the new head of the IRGC Navy. Brigadier General Ahmad Vahidi was also confirmed as the new commander-in-chief of the IRGC with the rank of major general, officially succeeding Mohammad Pakpour, who was killed during the opening salvo of the US-Israel war on Iran in late February.
Sina Azodi, an assistant professor of Middle East Politics at George Washington University, noted that these appointments signal no softening in the regime’s stance toward negotiations with the United States. “There is little question that Khamenei, Vahidi and the IRGC leadership all share the view that continued resistance to the US is strategically necessary,” Azodi told Al Jazeera. He added that Rezaee brings deep institutional experience and considerable authority among both senior IRGC commanders and the rank-and-file, making his appointment a clear signal of the regime’s intent to maintain a hardline posture.
Rezaee’s career has been marked by a transition from military command to political and economic spheres. He previously served as the secretary of the Expediency Council, a top state arbitration body, as he increasingly focused on macroeconomics following the Iraq war. The 71-year-old also helped develop a long-term national development plan and held high-level economic coordination authorities during the Ebrahim Raisi presidency between 2021 and 2024. Since returning to a military-adjacent role, he has projected a message of defiance and resilience to the US, Israel, and regional actors through media interviews and online posts.
Rezaee’s appointment follows the departure of his predecessor, Ali Shamkhani. Zolghadr, who had held significant influence, was eventually replaced. Zolghadr—himself among the IRGC old guard and a relatively hardline but pragmatic figure, though with less seniority and political connections than Rezaee—was removed from his post. However, he was immediately appointed as a political adviser to Khamenei, who has himself not been seen or heard from publicly since the start of the war.
The appointment of Rezaee has not been without internal friction. Hardline MP Amirhossein Sabeti remarked, “After it emerged that the supreme leader selected Mohsen Rezaee as his representative in the council, the other thing that became clear was that Pezeshkian had for long been standing up to the leader on changing Zolghadr with Rezaee.” This highlights the ongoing internal power dynamics within the Iranian state regarding the direction of national security policy.
Rezaee has been a vocal opponent of the memorandum of understanding (MoU) signed with the US in June, which temporarily lifted a naval blockade and suspended oil sanctions. While state-linked outlets reported that 12 out of 13 voting members of the SNSC were in favor of the MoU, ultraconservative Saeed Jalili stood as the only opposing member. A number of hardline MPs, media outlets, and supporters of the Islamic Republic blasted the agreement, arguing that the Strait of Hormuz should not have been allowed to reopen until the US provided further concessions.
In early July, shortly before the agreement was suspended following a resumption of regional attacks, Rezaee expressed his skepticism toward the diplomatic process. “I ask friends who are against negotiations to wait, the Americans will destroy it themselves and won’t let it lead to any results,” he stated. Last week, he warned that the US must change its behavior or face serious risks and casualties to its forces, adding that Iran “will never permit the opening of a second corridor in the Strait of Hormuz.”
Rezaee’s rhetoric has historically been aggressive. In July 2015, months before the signing of the nuclear accord, he suggested readiness for a US ground assault. “If the Americans want to look at Iran with ill intent or think about a military attack, they can be sure that in the very first week we will capture at least 1,000 Americans as prisoners,” he told state television. “Then, to free each of them, they will have to pay a few billion dollars, which could resolve many of our economic problems.”
Following the announcement of his new role, state television aired a historical segment featuring footage of Rezaee during the Iraq war, describing him as a commander with a “strong military logic.” This media push serves to reinforce his image as a seasoned strategist capable of navigating the current conflict. The regime’s reliance on such figures suggests a return to the foundational ideology of the IRGC as the primary guarantor of state security.
The international reaction has been predictably sharp. Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs condemned the move, stating, “The Iranian regime worships terror, rewards its architects and promotes them to the highest levels of power.” This reflects the deep-seated hostility between the two nations, which has only intensified since the outbreak of the current war.
As the conflict continues, the consolidation of these figures into the SNSC and the IRGC high command indicates that Tehran is preparing for a protracted period of confrontation. By placing veterans with deep ties to the IRGC and the Supreme Leader at the helm of its security apparatus, the regime is signaling that it intends to prioritize military readiness and ideological purity over diplomatic engagement for the foreseeable future.
An official with the IRGC’s Basij paramilitary organisation said this week that state media will soon release new pictures from the supreme leader taken after the war to disprove claims by the US and Israel that he may h
According to an editorial by Nournews, an outlet affiliated with the national security council, Rezaee’s appointment signalled the beginning of a broader “strategic restructuring” suited to Iran’s new wartime circumstanc
It rejected the notion that Zolghadr was removed for failure or dissatisfaction or that the government opposed the appointment, adding that Rezaee could better integrate military, diplomatic, economic and energy policy t
But he has never held elected office, having run for president unsuccessfully four times.
He argued that his position was closer to that of Mojtaba Khamenei, who ended up approving the MoU despite stated reservations.
Local media had reported in recent days that Rezaee might soon be assuming the top security position, with some saying President Masoud Pezeshkian was resisting the appointment by initially rejecting a resignation from former security chief Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr.
An official with the IRGC’s Basij paramilitary organisation said this week that state media will soon release new pictures from the supreme leader taken after the war to disprove claims by the US and Israel that he may have been badly wounded in the same February 28 strikes that killed his father and other top commanders.
The state-linked Mehr news service this week recirculated old and undated video from Khamenei, showing him speaking to a handful of clerics and followers during a meeting.
Pezeshkian also said on Monday that he recently had a seven-hour meeting with Khamenei when the supreme leader emphasised “unity”.
According to an editorial by Nournews, an outlet affiliated with the national security council, Rezaee’s appointment signalled the beginning of a broader “strategic restructuring” suited to Iran’s new wartime circumstances.
It rejected the notion that Zolghadr was removed for failure or dissatisfaction or that the government opposed the appointment, adding that Rezaee could better integrate military, diplomatic, economic and energy policy to overcome “siloed management”.
“The central issue is not one secretary’s departure and another’s arrival, but how consequential the steps taken by the SNSC secretariat in this new phase will be,” Nournews said.
Analysts have noted that Zolghadr was close to Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Iran’s parliament speaker and chief negotiator in talks with the US, so his replacement could also be an attempt to tame Ghalibaf’s growing influence.
But Ghalibaf was among senior officials who released congratulatory messages on Monday for Rezaee – as did Vahidi and newly reappointed judiciary chief Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Ejei.
Vahidi, among the most powerful people in Iran at the moment, said Rezaee’s presence in the council can “advance a strategic coordination between the field of battle and diplomacy, as well as economic and political security with an approach of resistance and hope-inducing governance”.
“The whole world has clearly seen over the past year-and-a-half that our country is a country of institutions, not individuals.
This was exactly the secret of the longevity and victory of the Islamic Republic in these challenging conditions,” spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei told reporters during a news conference on Monday.
